Ed. note: This piece first appeared on Energy Outlook, Geoffrey Styles’ blog.

When legislation is introduced in the US Congress, most of the discussion typically concerns its specific provisions. Sometimes, as in the case of the "public option" absent from the final healthcare bill, notable omissions vie for attention. However, in the case of this year's greatly-diminished energy bill released this week by Senator Reid (D-NV), most of the controversy seems to be focused on its long list of missing elements, including but not limited to cap & trade, a national renewable energy standard for electricity, and extensions for various expiring renewable energy incentives. That's not to say that what's left doesn't deserve careful scrutiny, particularly provisions affecting offshore oil and gas drilling. But compared to the energy bill that might have been, this draft looks like a pitiful remnant, even at 409 pages.

Although I can appreciate the frustration of those who expected Congress finally to enact cap & trade this year, I find the convoluted tactical arguments and finger-pointing over its failure to reach consensus on this issue to be mostly "inside baseball" rationalization. The clues adequately explaining its omission from the current bill are on display in the bill's title, "The Clean Energy Jobs and Oil Company Accountability Act of 2010". In other words, what happened to cap & trade this year was the recession and the oil spill. The former made the country less receptive to what is at its core a substantial new tax, while the latter scuttled the best chance for a bi-partisan "grand compromise" based on swapping expanded access to US off-limits oil and gas resources for stronger emissions regulations. Even though the taxation underlying cap & trade is intended to recognize a serious unpriced externality of our energy economy, it still represents a significant redistribution of wealth from energy producers and consumers to the government and the purposes for which the government chooses to spend the proceeds: at best a zero-sum game with frictional losses, and at worst--insert Waxman-Markey--a monumentally-distorting boondoggle.

Then there's the missing national renewable electricity standard (RES), which in clear English is a mandate for utilities to obtain a defined and escalating percentage of the electricity they provide customers from selected renewable sources. The American Wind Energy Association (AWEA), the trade association for the US wind industry, sees this as an absolute necessity for their industry to continue growing and was vexed over its exclusion from the current bill--this in spite of the fact that the wind industry's main federal support, the Production Tax Credit, was previously extended through 2012, along with the valuable option to select an Investment Tax Credit instead. I see two practical explanations for this omission, though it's clear from the efforts of AWEA and other groups that it could still find its way back into the bill. First, the RES is really another tax. Instead of being levied on taxpayers by the government, it would be levied by utilities on ratepayers when the costs of the renewable energy projects or the tradable Renewable Energy Credits they can buy in lieu of buying green power are passed on to their customers. On a more practical level, with 29 states plus the District of Columbia already having equivalent Renewable Portfolio Standards in place, most of the best US wind and solar resources are already covered by such targets. A national RES might not add a lot more of these energy sources, but it certainly would trigger a scramble for the states with limited renewable resources to line up supplies from elsewhere. That might be good for the renewable energy sector, but it's of questionable benefit to a national economy still struggling to emerge from the recession.

Also absent from this draft are the expiring renewable energy incentives highlighted in yesterday's New York Times editorial. These include the $0.45/gal. ethanol blenders' credit, about which I've blogged extensively, and the Treasury renewable energy grants offering up-front cash for the Investment Tax Credits that would otherwise require waiting for next year's tax return--assuming the recipient company had sufficient taxable income to benefit from the entire amount of the credit. These grants look problematic, as I noted last fall, when reports first surfaced that most of the money paid--approaching $2 billion--had gone to non-US firms. As I discussed at the time, this reflects the reality of a wind energy market in which US firms account for less than half of domestic sales, supported by a thoroughly-globalized supply chain, not unlike many other industries. The arguments pro and con too easily reduce to unappealing sound-bites.

That leaves us with what is currently in the bill, which I have so far only had time to skim. It seems to consist mainly of well-intended but overly-politicized efforts--one section is entitled the "Big Oil Bailout Prevention Unlimited Liability Act of 2010--to hold BP accountable for the Gulf Coast oil spill and to address the liability for future spills, while trying to reduce the chances of another one. That sounds like motherhood and apple pie at this point, but as always the devil is in the details; implementing some of these details would leave the US with a much smaller offshore oil capability. That might appeal to environmentalists but would be catastrophic for energy consumers, our trade deficit, and US energy security. And why would you charge the Secretary of Energy with issuing a monthly report, starting in September or October, on the economic and employment impact of a deepwater drilling moratorium that is only intended to last through November? Interestingly, the bill would also establish a Congressional version of the President's oil spill commission, this time with specific technical criteria for appointment to this body. Alternative, compromise versions of the bill's oil provisions are already emerging from within Senator Reid's own party, and with a lot of luck we could end up with measures that would actually make offshore drilling safer and more responsible without killing it--and the roughly 30% of domestic oil production it provides.

In addition to its oil spill provisions, the bill also offers some generous tax credits for converting heavy-duty trucking to natural gas, along the lines of the Pickens proposals I discussed last Friday, plus similar help for vehicle electrification and infrastructure, yet more energy efficiency measures (this time focused on homes), and funding for an old government program to buy up land and waterways for parks and nature preserves. All of this is notionally paid for ("PAYGO") by raising the Oil Spill Liability Trust Fund fee on all the oil produced and used in the US from $0.08 to $0.45 per barrel, which would directly increase the size of the fund to cover future disasters from $1 billion to $5 billion, while indirectly making all the bill's other provisions appear deficit-neutral. The proposed fee increase has the potential to raise an extra $2.5 billion per year.

It's not clear whether even this slimmed-down bill can garner enough votes to pass in the Senate, let alone do so before the summer adjournment. In any case I'd expect the version that comes up for a final vote--if it does at all--to look somewhat different than this draft. It would almost certainly grow much longer, a malady that has afflicted all major legislation in recent Congresses. Whether it will actually make a meaningfully-positive impact on the serious energy challenges the US faces remains to be seen.